Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition)

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Crossover Chat #338

Part of the way. Poke, n. A dish like fried mush, made by boiHng buckwheat flour and corn meal with the juice of fried meat, and some- times scraps of pork. When cold this is cut into slices and fried. Query: Ger. The word scrapple is often used for this dish. To heal by conjuration. Also used as noun and adj. Hoover gives a description of the method of powwow- ing.

This is frequent. The construction is, of course, German, the preposition being treated as part of a separable verb and placed last. The order in Pa. Future tense. In Pa. Learned gives a future form p. Puff, n. Baby carriage. Put, n. Provincialisms of Southeastern Pennsylvania 41 Rig.

Horse and carriage. Right smart. Thank you. Used only by and to children. Same as ponhaws, q. German origin. To itch. Second Christmas. Day after Christmas. The day after Christmas is also kept as a holiday, and is a great day for visiting. The expression "Second Day New Year" is also found. Next to the last. Possessing proper self-esteem, consideration. Set a plate. Put it out on Christmas eve for gifts ; corre- sponding exactly to hang up a stocking. Haldeman, Pennsylvania Dutch, p. Short in one's mind.

The form short-minded also occurs. Snip, n. Young person ; used contemptuously. Snits snits. Dried fruit, usually apples. When used of other fruit, the name is given, as "peach snits. Schnits, dried fruit, usually pears; Pa. Sots sots. Piccalilli or chow-chow. Noun from adjective. Words to be spelled. Usually in past tense. Standing full. Full of upright objects. In example i the trees might still be there though cut down ; example 2 means that the hall was full of people who were standing; it would not be used of a crowded house when the people were seated.

Stick the light on. Enkindle; light. Used at end of sentence to denote customary action. The word is used of the future with no reference to the past at times. Low sled, drawn by one or two horses. Stove hearth. Ufa blat; Ger. C— In Pa. Tangled, dishevelled; usually of hair. The same, used without article. Query ; fr. Fat of pork. C— Ger. Splash; sprinkle. Taste after. Taste of. School slang. Used by telegraph operators on Pa. Provincialisms of Southeastern Pennsylvania 47 Tell good-by. Bid good-by. Thank one's self to. The cold. A cold. So used colloquially in Cork, Ireland, fr.

The DAY. Through other. The form "through another" is also found. XVL In glossary "through other" is defined "confusedly, all together. In York Corp. The Judgment Day, 1. Tin cup. Ger hlech Ger. The word would never be used of a pot and of a pan, only in combination, as pie-tin, cake-tin. Said to be colloquial in Scotland, fr. At home. Drain, culvert. Under through. Underneath, with idea of motion. Tut tilt. Small paper bag. Badly, severely. See Make ugly. McClellan was getting thrashed ugly at Richmond. Under the weather. Slightly ill. Query : Adopted from English. Used to could.

Used to be able. Wait on. Wait for. Ger, wawrtd uf; Ger. Provincialisms of Southeastern Pennsylvania 51 Want out. Want to get out. What for. What kind of. Germans and their neighbors. With, adv. Wonder, v. Surprise, used reflexively. Pig; the second form used as diminutive. Possibly onomatopoetic. Worst way. Very much. Recently fallen, of snow. You plural. The first part of the meeting was devoted to the business affairs of the Society, among which was the election of officers.

The following officers were elected ; President, Dr. Albert Bernheim, Philadelphia, Pa. Vice Presidents, L. Hennighausen, Baltimore, Md. Louis, Mo. Huch, Philadelphia, Pa. Secretary and Business Manager, Chas. Breitbarth, Chester Avenue, Philadelphia, Pa. The activity of the Society during the year was centered very largely in the publication of matter relating to the history of the Germans in America, through its official publication, Ger- man American Annals.

Among the more important contri- butions were "The Diary of Rev. D, Learned. On nomination of the first President of the Society, Dr. Hexamer, President Theodore Roosevelt was unanimously elected an honorary member of the Society, and a few days later accepted membership in the following communication : The White House, Washington. February lo, My dear Sir : The President has received your favor of the 24th ultimo, with enclosed certificate of honorary membership in the German- American Historical Society, and requests me to assure you that he accepts with much pleasure.

Conveying to you, and thru you to the members of the So- ciety, the President's thanks for the compliment thus paid him, believe me. Very truly yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. The business part of the meeting was followed by a banquet, at which some thirty-five ladies and gentlemen participated. The following toasts were responded to : "The Welcome Guests," Dr. Albert Bernheim. Samuel W. Penny- packer, former Governor of Pennsylvania. Hexamer, President German American Alliance.

Rudolph Blankenburg in the absence of Mr. Blankenburg, this toast was responded to by Mr. Henry Lierz. Learned in Professor Learned's absence on account of illness, the toast was answered by Professor K. This was generally recognized as the most successful an- nual meeting in the history of the Society, and a number of new members have already been added to the list. It is hoped that the list, both of annual and life members, may reach the full limit of two hundred during the present year.

The publication plans of the Society are not intended to conflict with the purposes of either State or Local Societies throughout the country. Articles will be gladly received from historical societies or historical investigators throughout the coun- try. It is the policy of the German American Annals to pub- lish materials of permanent value, and the Society solicits such from all who are active in the field. Carefully written biogra- phies of notable German Americans are particularly welcome.

Ex-Governor Pennypacker referred to one of the descend- ants of Germantown, now a resident of Philadelphia, who, in his article on the State Capitol, had cast aspersions upon his German 56 The German- American Historical Society ancestry. The speaker then traced the significance of rehgious views of the Anabaptists for the history of Pennsylvania and the part played in it by the Quakers. He referred to the late Dr. William Pepper German Pfeffer , Dr. J, Hexamer then pointed out the importance of Ger- man American historical research as an incentive to American citizenship, referring to the fact that too little account has been taken of the Germans by writers on American history.

He also paid a glowing tribute to the influence of the German Emperor in the relations of Germany and America. Legationsrat Werner Hagen, the German Consul of Phila- delphia, replied with a fine appreciation of the efforts of Presi- dent Roosevelt, who, like the German Emperor, had contributed much to bring about a cordial understanding between Germany and America and thus laid a firmer basis for universal peace. The addresses of Mr. Arno Leonhardt and Mr. Henry Detreux we give below in full : Rede des Hcrrn Leonhardt.

Es ist keine kleine Aufgabe vom Komitee mir gestellt wor- den, den Toast auf die Deutsch-Amerikanische Historische Ge- sellschaft zu beantworten. Obgleich hier in der Stadt der Bru- derliebe geboren, habe ich mich wenig um deutsch-amerikanische Geschichte bekiimmert und befinde ich mich darum auf einem mir fremden Felde. Ich habe viel gelesen, namentlich haben mich die Mittheilun- gen des Deutschen Pionier-Vereins mit seinen ausfiihrlichen Be- richten aus der Feder unseres Mitgliedes C.

Huch sehr inte- ressirt. Unsere historische Gesellschaft ist noch jung, feiert sie doch heute erst ihren 6. Dieselbe ist nicht zu friih The G erman- American Historical Society 57 entstanden, um die unsere Deutschen interessirenden Schrift- stiicke, Dokumente und sonstigen Wahrzeichen aus der Ge- schichte vom Lande unserer Pioniere unter Pastorius bis zum heutigen Tage zu sammeln, niederzuschreiben und unserer Nach- kommenschaft zu erhalten. Ausser diesem Werke sollte unsere Gesell- schaft dahin wirken, dass die Wahrzeichen unserer Geschichte in der Form von Monumenten dem alltaglichen Publikum vorge- fiihrt werden, wie die beiden deutschen Monumente, fiir welche wir schon Propaganda gemacht haben — Pastorius, durch den Deutsch-Amerikanischen Central-Bund, und General Muhlenberg, durch unsere Deutsche Gesellschaft.

Es ist beschamend fiir unser Deutschthum, dass erst jetzt, nach 50 Jahren, die ersten Schritte in dieser Richtung gethan werden, aber noch bescha- mender, dass die Mittel so langsam einkommen, dass wir voraus- sichtlich noch Jahre lang auf die Ausfiihrung zu warten haben werden. Keiner sollte zuriickstehen, dass diese beiden Werke so bald als moglich erstehen, dadurch fiir unser Deutschthum und seine Geschichte indirekt Propaganda machend. Um unserem deutsch-amerikanischen historischen Felde mehr Anerkennung zu verschaffen, miissen wir auch auf die Ausschmiickung der zwei Zimmer in Valley Forge hinarbeiten, welche als Beispiele deutsch- amerikanischer Geschichte unsern Nachkommen dienen sollen.

Das eine im Namen des Generals von Steuben, das zweite fiir De Kalb, welche als deutsche Verbiindete unseres Generals Wash- ington so viel zur Griindung unserer grossen Republik beigetra- gen haben. Unci deutsch-amerikanische Gescliichte muss so antwor- ten, dass der verdiente Respekt nicht ausbleiben kann, was unsere deutschen Vorvater fiir Amerika gethan haben.

Hat der wiss- begierige Theil der Jugend die Frage gestellt, wird dieselbe dann die Antwort in unseren Annalen suchen, in den Werken, die wir aus alter Zeit gerettet und unserem Archiv einverleibt haben. Dies ist unser heiliger Zweck, er bedeutet die Errettung unserer deutschen Muttersprache in diesem Lande, ihre Erhaltung fiir unsere deutschen Lieder, fiir unsere deutschen Kirchen, unser deutsches Theater, deutsche Literatur, Kunst und Wissenschaft.

Wir sollen es zu unserer Aufgabe machen, dahin zu wirken, dass die historischen Unrichtigkeiten in den Schulbiichern, welche die Deutsch-Amerikaner behandeln, berichtigt werden, und unsern Vorkampfern Gerechtigkeit fiir ihre Thaten gezollt wird. Ausser den Kampfern in den Kolonien oder Befreiungskriegen, sollten die Deutschen, welche fiir unsere Union in den Krieg zogen, be- riicksichtigt werden ; dann was die Deutschen und ihre Nach- kommen fiir Antheil an Industrie und Handel, Kunst und Wis- senschaft, Technik, Landwirthschaft u.

Unsere Gesellschaft sollte Leute, welche die Fahigkeiten, die Zeit und die Lust dazu haben, anregen, innerhaib der engeren Grenze unserer Stadt oder dem weiteren Umfang unseres Staates Penn- sylvanien die Spuren der deutschen Pioniere aufzusuchen und den Antheil, welchen die eingewanderten Deutschen und deren Nachkommen an der Entwickelung unseres Landes genommen haben, festzustellen und aufzudecken.

Wir sehen ein, was fiir eine kolossale Arbeit wir uns auferlegt, aber — aller Anfang ist schwer. Nun zum Schluss. Wenn unser Junge das Die Presse ist das grosse Medium, das die Reibungen und Kollisionen des tag-lichen Lebens und Strebens beseitigen und Wahrheit und Klarheit in das Wirrsal des rastlosen Schaffens der Neuzeit bringen soil — und wie manchen Strahl der Erleuchtung bringt unsere deutsch-amerikanische Presse in die Dunkelheit und Oede des engherzigen Lebens und Treibens gewisser Kreise, die ich jetzt nicht nennen will; die zu bekampfen jedoch gerade gegenwartig von unserem Bunde Vorbereitungen getroffen wer- den und worin wir fast ausschliesslich auf die Unterstiitzung der deutschen Presse angewiesen sind.

Der Stand eines Zeitungsmannes ist, wie die meisten der hier Anwesenden wohl wissen, kein leichter. Es vergehen manchmal Jahre und Jahrzehnte, bis wieder einmal etwas Be- sonderes am Horizonte der Neuigkeitswelt auftaucht, und wah- rend dabei die ausserhalb der Sphare der Presse stehende ge- wohnliche Menschheit siisser Ruhe pflegen kann, muss gerade der arme Zeitungsmensch sein Gehirn anstrengen, um etwas Neues auf's Tapet zu bringen. Bismarck hat einmal gesagt, ein Zeitungsschreiber sei in der Regel ein Mann, der seinen Beruf verfehlt habe.

Das mag ja von seinem Standpunkte aus ganz richtig gewesen sein. Mir scheint jedoch, dass es von dieser Regel bei unseren deutschen Zeitungen glanzende Ausnahmen gegeben hat, solche, die ihren Beruf mit warmem Herzen und hervorragenden Fahigkeiten ver- folgten und darin ihren Landsleuten mit leuchtendem Beispiele und grossem Erfolge vorangingen. Moge unsere deutsch-amerikanische Presse auch in Zukunft ein Bollwerk bilden gegen die Fluth von Unduldsamkeit und ge- gen unamerikanische, puritanische Engherzigkeit.

Es wiirde, wie gesagt, zu weit fiihren und Ihre Geduld miss- brauchen, wollte ich mich iiber die Stellung der deutsch-amerika- nischen Presse der englischen gegeniiber verbreiten, jedoch so weit erlauben Sie mir, mich in kurzen Worten zu aussern : Dass die Stellung der deutsch-amerikanischen Presse der englischen gegeniiber stets eine ausserst schwierige sein wird, da dieselbe immer in zwei Sprachen arbeiten und gegen eingewurzelte Vorur- theile kampfen muss.

Mogen die Vertreter der deutsch-amerikanischen Presse nie vergessen, dass dieselben nicht nur dazu da sein sollen, um der Sensationssucht des Publikums zu frohnen, sondern immer ein- gedenk der Mission bleiben, die sie in diesem Lande zu erfiillen haben. Die Vereinigung alter deutscher Studenten in Amerika hat wiederum ein neues Reis an ihrem Stamme gezeitigt, namlich den Zweigverein Philadelphia. Schon seit Jahren, selbst vor Be- stehen des Central- Verbandes wurden in Philadelphia von ehe- maligen deutschen Akademikern Versuche gemacht, einen aka- demischen Verein zu griinden, aber ohne den ersehnten Erfolg.

Es ist endlich den Bemiihungen des Herrn Professor Dr. Marion D. Learned und Dr. Derselbe wurde am Oktober offiziell durch die Herren Dr. Carl Beck und Dr. Ein frohlicher Kommers hielt die Mitglieder noch lange zusammen, wobei auch in einem Telegramm des Geburts- tages des Prasidenten Theodore Roosevelt gedacht wurde. Mit Ungeduld erwartete man die Einladung zur zweiten Zusammen- kunft.

In Folge der Schwierigkeiten, ein geeignetes Lokal zu finden, dauerte es langer als man anfangs erwartet hatte. Der Zweigverein, der inzwischen auf iiber 40 Mitglieder angewachsen war, hielt seine zweite Zusammenkunft im alten Ratskeller am Januar ab. Hare, William B. Walter; Schatzmeister, Max Kuttner.

Learned und Max J. Lustige und ernste Erinnerungen an die einstige Alma Mater jenseits des At- lantischen Ozeans hielt die Teilnehmer noch lange in hochst frohlicher Stimmung vereint. Max J. Walter, korr. Brandt, Hamilton College. Carpenter, Columbia University. Carruth, University of Kansas. Hermann Collitz, Johns Hopkins University. Cutting, University of Chicago. University of Illinois. Faust, Cornell University. Adolph Gerber, Late of Earlham College.

Julius Goebel, Late of Harvard University. Hatfield, Northwestern University. Hewett, Cornell University. Hohlfeld, University of Wisconsin. Hugo K. Schilling, University of California. Schmidt-Wartenberg, University of Chicago. Hermann Schoenfeld, Columbian University. Calvin Thomas, Columbia University. White, Harvard University. Breitbarth, Business Manager, pbtlaOelpbta. Xe p3ifl : F.

It is natural to inquire into the private life of a public man at any time, but it is particularly instructive to do so in the case of a man of the most liberal education, when he steps from the aula of the university into the wigwam of the wild man in the primeval forests of the New World. The motives leading to this apparently abrupt change of con- dition were not altogether single, nor without reflection and prep- aration in the case of Pastorius. The dominant motive was the desire to escape the turmoil of the Old World by finding a quiet refuge in the West.

Closely linked with this selfish desire was the higher motive of bearing the message of Christian truth tr the Red Men of America. This was the attitude of Quietists oi that time, and common to Pietist, Mennonite and Quaker alike — the spirit that lives on in these sects, especially the German Quietists of Pennsylvania, to the present day. It is possible to reconstruct an outline sketch of his appearance from scanty notes found here and there in his works and in the letters of Israel Pemberton, already given above, particularly the following: "J long to be with thee again tho some times J smile to myself to think how J told my father when first J saw him.

J doubted he would prove an angry master he asked me why so J told him J thought so by his nose. If He can' any do him wrong, e can't remember't long. Pastorius, as "D. Sowerness," in his letter to Richard Johns. The first five years of Pastorius' life in Germantown were busy with the work of settling the German colony, and, in spite of moments of despondency and discouragement, the jurist- pioneer seems to have been fairly contented with his lot in the little German Town.

He saw, one after another, new houses rise in the clearing, and the smoke of comfort and contentment rise from freshly built chimneys, heralding the progress of the German settlement. Francis Daniel Pastoriiis 67 It was a lonely life for the agent of the German Company with his little personnel of servants in these far-off western wilds, but with no companion to share the fears and hopes of the passing years.

What memories of his early years still lived in his fancy, we do not learn from his personal notes or reminiscences. Whether any fair figure out of his student days still passed like a guardian spirit athwart his dreams, he does not tell.

But one fugitive song has come down to us in his writings, which seems to date from this earlier period of the days in Europe and which may be the one witness that his life was not utterly void, at least of memories of romance of the lighter vein. This song runs : Darf man dich Corinna kiissen So kom mein Liebe zu mir her, Ich werd es wohl am besten wissen, Das war die antwort ungefahr. Sie Hesse zwar u. Lass o mein Kind! Lass uns Liebe werck begehen, Wir sind in unsrer besten zeit. Sie seuffzte zwar! So halte nun und lass dich kiissen, Kein mensche soil in dieser Stadt Nicht der geringste darvon wissen, Dass jemand dich gekiisset hat.

Sie zuckte zwar u. Hiemit so zog ich meine strasse, Daher ich neulich konien war, Erfuhr in dessen bester massen, Von der Corina wunderbahr, Dass, Ja bey vielen pfliget Nein Und Nein so viel als Ja zu seyn. Come, Corinna, let me kiss thee! Come, my dearest, to me here! I would know why joy should miss thee, I would have thine answer clear! Smiling sweetly said she, "No," Then demurely yielded so.

Raise thy head and let me kiss thee! Not a man shall ever learn How with longing I caress thee. How my lips to thine do turn. Then she trembled and said, "No," But demurely yielded so. Often since whene'er I wander, Whether far or near the way. O'er the lesson do I ponder From Corinna learned that day. Pennypacker and set to music by Arthur L.

Church, who published both the English and German text with the music. Church kindly presented the present writer with a copy of this print. Francis Daniel Pastorins 69 her first husand two children, Willm von Nensheim, ahas Spikermanns, living at Speltrop, and Gertrud von Nensheim, who had married and gone to live in Amsterdam. Account has already been given of the personal effects which Pastorius brought with him, in , to America.

Schwartz gronrasch Leibergen. Schwartz gronraschen Schiirtz, 2. An leinen Zeug. Hollandsche Elen fein liiien, 8. Res Propriae, p. Kroplappen, 5. An Hansgerath: eine neue kist, I. Spiiirad samt haspel. An Biichern: Jerem. Dyckens wiirdiger Tischgenoss. Saldeni Christliche Kinder-schuel. Christliches Gedenckbiichlein. It appears also in the records, that Ennicke had real estate in Germantown. She bought in all fifty acres of land in Ger- mantown, as follows: Thirty acres of the German Frankfurt Company next to Isaac Dilbeck, according to an agreement dated August 18, ; further twenty acres next to Jan Doeden from the same company by an agreement dated August 21, This land was purchased on terms of a perpetual rental of six shillings and five pence to be paid annually on the first day of the sixth month.

Compagnie vor isd. Augusti Schill ; lod. Schill, und sd. Pensylvanischen gelds, den iten. Die Liingte im Dorff ist im Seitland. Ennicke suffered from the effects of the birth of this second son all the rest of her life, as it appears, from the lack of proper surgical care.

The name Pastorius has come down through direct descendants of these two sons to the present time, as will be seen in the genealog- ical chart at the end of this work. Although greatly concerned for the education of his two sons, Pastorius recognized the economic conditions in Pennsyl- vania and the importance of a practical breadwinning trade, and accordingly had each of his boys learn such a trade. The elder son, John Samuel, at the age of sixteen years , learned the weaver's trade with Paul Kastner, and afterwards carried on this trade in the house of his father, who furnished him the out- fit.

The younger son Henry, likewise learned the trade of weaving from his brother, but in 3 took up shoemaking by himself. At the approach of winter, , he went to Bombay Hook, and remained there and in the Duck Creek region until 1 71 6. By a curious coincidence both John Samuel and Henry narrowly escaped death by the fall of a horse. Samuel gebohren ut supra, pag. Mertz Icrnte ano das Weben von Paul Kastner, u. Ano Da Er eben zu vor mit einem fferd fallende den fusz sehr verrenckt hatte, u.

Mein jiingster Sohn Heinrich, gebohren, ut. April Aiio Da daii dieses sofort todt blieb und er auch selbst vortodt auffge- nonien wurde. Doch schenckte ihm Gott vor diszmahl das leben, welches er ja danchbarl erkeiien, und sich rechtschaffcn bessern mag. The correspondence in the Beschreibung shows that Pastor- ius kept alive his friendship with a number of his old friends in Germany during the first years of his life in Pennsylvania.

The letters written to his old preceptor, Schumberg, and to Mode- lius, rector of the school at Windsheim, contain much important information concerning the new country. In addition to the Latin verses concerning the vanity of the world, he dedicated his first work, printed after his arrival in America, Vicr Tract'dtlcin, to Schumbergius. II, pp. Id quod jam Francis Daniel Pastorius 73 In the letter to Rector Georg Leonhard Model Modelius , he exhibits a keen interest in the importance of the life of the Indians as an object lesson for civilized Europeans, and gives an interesting description of the Red Men as he saw them in Pennsylvania.

Other letters from his correspondence with members of the German Company, and with his father, show that he kept in touch with affairs in the Fatherland. The letters of Pastorius' sons to their grandfather, and the latter's long and detailed account of his life, written in reply, form one of the most inter- esting parts of the Bcschrcibung, and exhibit the gentle affection still linking the Colonial offspring to the old home beyond the sea.

It is apparent, also, from the records and events of German- town, that Pastorius was on friendly terms with his fellow- countrymen in the little German Town. He speaks of these Ger- man friends as among those who were especially kind to him during his severe illness. In a passage in the Beehive, he men- tions Jacob Tellner as one of his friends : "J endeavoured at Spare times to make this present Hive on a Quire of fine Paper, which a friend of mine [Jacob Tellner:] depart- ing for Europe did give me. Ut vero, Vir Doctissime! Et tu jam num cam corde manuq ; prehcnsam tenebis.

Franciscus Daniel Pastorius. The first is inscribed: Hacc ad Jac. Tellnercm aeuropaeantcm; the second with the superscrip- tion: Ad eiindem :Jac. Man musz durch das Wetter dringen, Will es heute nicht gelingen Jacob! Dei Voluntas mea felicitas. Haec ego propere, Tu prospere. Vale ac Salva; [ei] iterum iterumque. After rumbling, after roaring, After thunder and downpouring, Follows oft the clear sunshine. Men must forth whate'er the weather, And to-day must forth together, Jacob!

Up the morn is fine. Be not then so sad and moping, Dawns the freedom you are hoping, Comes another brighter mood What God wills is luck and good. Pennypacker, whose English translation is subjoined to the original. Francis Daniel Pasforius 75 men in the Province, with some of whom he formed a life-long friendship.

Thomas Lloyd. On the journey across the ocean, Pastorius made the ac- quaintance of the Welsh physician, Thomas Lloyd, whose per- sonality and learning strongly attracted the German jurist. The first bond of sympathy seems to have been the knowledge of the Latin language which enabled both of them to carry on conver- sation. These poetic memories were still accessible to Watson in a separate manuscript, when he wrote his Annals of Philadelphia in the Olden Time, but seem to have disappeared into private hands or to have been lost since that time. Fortunately, the Beehive has preserved many of these verses, which contain important information concerning the rela- tions of Lloyd and Pastorius.

As special mercies he makes mention of '"Cf. John Jay Smith, Letters of Dr. Thus long ye have been here! Brave husbands. John De la Val with them his Strength about this bends. And all Eternity in Hallelu — Jahs spends. I'm far from Flattering! Moreover, to the best of my Rememberance, We never disagreed, nor were at Variance ; Because God's sacred Truth, whereat we both did aim, To her indeared Friends is everywhere the same.

And if I would Return home to my Father's house. Good Lord!

The Life of August Wilhelm Schlegel

Dear Friends, another year besides the thirty-one, Whereof my former Sheet, is now elapsed and gone. Sith that we landed here on Philadelphia's Shore Our Duty then requires, to praise the Lord once more. Our Bodies thus prepared. He graciously would give A never-dying Soul, thereby to move and live. And of His Handy-work did ever since take Care. So having been poor things! He gave us our desires ; For one, that rightly seeks, Does never miss to find. To Him the Holy One, we his Redeemed bow.

And Glory, Majesty, Renown and Praises owe. For what He hitherto was pleased to bestow. On us poor Creatures, whose Cup did overflow, In two parts of this Globe, especially here, Where we at present breathe, which Tense, tho' ne're so near, H '"aFrancia Orientalis : Wallia Septentrionalis.

A Weaver's shuttle is not half so Swift or fleet, This momentary Jot has rather Wings than Feet : It vanishes like Smoke, like Dust before the W'ind, And leaves as sounding Brass, an Echoing Voice behind, Which minds us, that it should be Carefully imploy'd, So as the same has been by honest Thomas Lloyd, My quondam real Friend, whom with this Epithet J honour thankfully, and never shall forget His many Courtesies, to my Departing hour, Altho' my years should reach to other Sixty-four.

And this to wit the last, adorned thus his life, That J may truly say, she it was his second Wife. Concerning Charity the Center of my Trine, It did as clearly as his other Vertues shine : He kindly deal'd with all, to ev'ry one did good. Endearing chiefly God, and then the Brotherhood. Keith's dull lowing of an Ox. Eternity, a word whereof J fain would speak. Let us be therefore wise, and thus retract the Days, Which from our Cradle up in Jdleness and plays. Or infinitely worse, have frequently be [en] spent, That for transacted Sins we seriously repent : And take what heed we can, that in this ruhing Time, We nothing may mis-do, mis-think, mis-speak, mis-rime.

As to Futurity, none of us all can say. The 4th day of the 6th mo: Rachel Preston died, and was buried the 15th ditto at Philada. Thrice happy! Blessed are the Dead which die in the Lord from henceforth: Yea, saith the Spirit, that they may Rest from their Labours; and their Works do follow them.

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This Obelisk, in haste made by a sorry hand. Serves only for a Draught, to show how thine should stand. God's Serjeant, Death, must do, what he has in Coniand. The 4th day of the 3d Mo. I read it over thrice a day Since in my hands the same did stay, And now return it unto thee. So be it, Amen. This Book here, coming back, two other such demands.

Ien's Understanding blinds Dear Betty! And Letters full of Sense as She did to Jndite. The most important friendsliip formed by Pastorius in PennsyKania was that with William Penn, the proprietor of the province. On the 21st of August, , the day after his arrival in Philadelphia, Pastorius presented his credentials to Penn, and was well received, both by the proprietor and his German secre- tary, Johann Lehenmann.

Penn the letters, which I brought with me, and was received by him with friendly affection; of this very worthy man and celebrated ruler I should, in justice, write much more; but my pen, although it is from an eagle, which a so-called savage recently brought into my house is much too weak to express the lofty virtues of this Chris- tian, for such he is in deed. He often sends me an invitation to dine with him, also to walk or ride in his always edifying company; and when I was lately away a week fetching provisions from New Castle, and he had not seen me during that time, he came himself to my cottage, and desired, that I should come and be his guest several times a week.

He is sincerely devoted [to the Germans], and said once publickly in my presence to his Councilors and those about him : I am fond of the [Germans] and wish, that you shall love them too; although I never at any other time heard such words of command from him ; these pleased me however so much the more, because they are quite in unison with the command of God vid. I cannot say more now than that Will. I doubt not, some will yet come hither themselves and experience in fact that my pen has not written enough in this matter.

Francis Daniel Pastorius 85 This esteem for the proporietor Pastorius seems to have re- tained even in the midst of the difFiciilties which he found arising out of Penn's pohcy of assigning the Germans their land. As we have already seen, it was Penn and Thomas Lloyd chiefly who kept Pastorius from abandoning the German Colony and return- ing to his native land.

Even in the midst of Penn's trial in Eng- land, Pastorius remained loyal to the great proprietor. Nor was the appreciation all on Pastorius' side. Penn has left us an interesting testimonial to the character of Pastorius in a later letter written in answer to an incjuiry of Pastorius' father, Melchior Adam Pastorius, as to the life of his son, Fran- cis Daniel, in America. These letters, with a German translation, were published in the Beschrcibung. They form such an interest- ing incident in the life of Pastorius and Penn that they may fit- tingly be given entire here : Salutem ab ipso fonte Salutis Jesu Christo quam plurimam.

Qui ipse toto corde exopto esse Windshemii Tua; Humanissimas Dominationis scrvus ad Cum Votis itaque ut Devs una cum salutis sua demonstratione dignetur seniles tuos annos sicuti dim Simeoni prolongare, valere te jubeo. Bristolii die Mensis Sincerus tibi ex animo amicus.

William Penn. President a Windsheim in Franconia. Anagramma : Perpcndens falacia munia Regni quasiui greges populi tui sereni. Nusquam tuta fides. Nunc Terra recalcitrat [? Hinc ego perpendens fallacia munia Regni Territus obstupui, cordeque contremui Inde Greges pie Christe tui super Orbe sereni. It is possible that the following anagram, which Melchior Adam Pastorius dedicated to his son, Francis Daniel, belongs to this period : Franciscus Daniel Pastorius. Si peccatori mortemque necemque minari, Numinis est proprium? Parcas quseso div iesv fons alme SALutis, Venturse, misero quae subeunda neci.

Passus enim pro me, Peccatum Daemona, Mortem Strauisti, inque tuo sanguine tutus ouo. Itinerarium, p. The third time welcome Penn! Of good things as we see Jn Sacred History, there have been often three. Neither do I quote, that three men of each Tribe were to describe the promised land, Josh. Jtem what J concerning this mystical Number might have allegorized out of Deut.

Add Psal. Thy Province, into which these thirty one years past My Lot, by Providence, most happily was cast. Acts ch. Vide Hel r. J myself purchased one of the old Tho. Miller for 5i. Silver Money of Pennsylvania in the midst of the Front-street at Philada. And yet the second time cam'st Safe to this thy Land, Dogs, who at distance bark, bite not when near at hand.

When as aforesaid. However, feeble things we are below the Moon! Change upon change, alas! Ay, sorry Turky quill! Glory be to His Name for ever and ever. Francis Daniel Pastorius 91 The wch suffices them. He will Grant our Petition, and abundantly fulfill "Job Veritas Vincit, Prsevalet. Diabohis Latrat. Vult Vertus Patere : Dolus Latere. Griffith Owen. It was to Owen that he turned for medical aid after the death of Thomas Lloyd. The following testimonial to the efficacy of Owen's medicine are quaintly phrased in the Beehive: Dearly Esteemed Friend Griffith Owen.

Germantown, the i6th of the 3d mo. My last Climaterick nine multiplied by Sev'n May be, will bring me home, to'r long home even Heav'n. However, by Neglect we must not kill ourselves. Anno Authore Nehemid Green M. Regiae Societatis Socio. Londini, Talibus innocuis Salibus licet hactenus uti, Ut similis similem dilectet Amicus Amicum. When after the general or yearly Meeting at Philada. Thy Doctor goes his ways. No, no! My Soul with good things fills. Sal Cathariticum sive mirabile, Epson Salt.

Coloss 4, He surely thither goes, And there will teach and preach. What then? It is not for the worse. What strange thing now is this. At once to go and stay? J mean that Mortal Man, Who Medicine to thee gives. Art thou not afraid. That One goes, whilst thou'rt ill? No, No! For as I said. My Soul has yet her Fill. By him who is all Love, And present ev'ry where : Whose Will does move above My low and trembling sphere. James Logan. Quae de Fraterno Nomen Amore trahit. With this ruiis parallel what holy Prophets taught.

Bear and Forbear. And after we compare The Writings, Surely 't looks. That new-ones neotericks Volumes are, the ancient Little Books, Jn these which have been first, we richly find, whereby To satisfy our Thirst; [the latter leave us dry] the last themselves are dry. Fides Doctrinaq. Prisca Forti Fere Deliciosa Palato. The question has been raised whether Pastorius was a Quaker, and, if so, at what time he became such.

It has been stoutly maintained that he remained at heart a Lutheran. The marriage of Melchior Adam Pastorius with the widow Magdalena Johm, was the beginning of an Evangelical Lutheran household in this branch of the Pastorius family. Fran- cis Daniel was baptized and reared a Lutheran. Although he associated himself with the Pietists of the Spener circle in Frank- furt-on-the-Main and was on friendly terms with the Quakerized Mennonites in Crefeld, Kriegsheim and other places in Germany, there is no positive evidence that he had renounced his allegiance to the Lutheran faith upon his arrival in America.

In the chapter "Concerning the Religions of the Province," Pastorius mentions four forms of religion : 1. That of the Indians, which is entirely heathen, although monotheistic and evidently sincere. That of the English and Hollanders, most of whom are Calvinists. The Quakers, who are with William Penn in Philadel- phia. Having enumerated these confessions he mentions the fact that a little church had been built in in Germantown for the community, thus implying that all worshipped together. That this church was considered as community property is further seen from the fact that the court was held in it.

Beschreibtmg, p. Happy, eternally happy they who have oil in their lamps and are ready to meet this blessed bridegroom and go with him to the wedding feast. Solafidians are so taken up with Faith, they have no room for charity. They think to perform all their duty to God in hearing, and to shew the Fruits of it in talking. Justified by faith alone ; whereas that Faith wch is alone, doth not justifie.

Luther, Calvin, Champions in their day. They are called by the name of M. Cochley's lies against Luther, Barel Luther being offended at his Master the Pope, set up for hiniself, as the only Apostle of that age, Mamiet [? Those of the Augustan Confession, falling into the odium of the more rigid L. Evangelium : Evangelicorum. Francis Daniel Pastoriiis 97 In almost every letter Pastorins manifests his personal con- cern for the spiritual welfare of his kinsmen and friends beyond the sea, as, for example, in his exhortation to his godchild Meck- lein to make good the vow which his godfather had made, and in his admonition joined to congratulation upon his father's election as Superior Judge of Windsheim, calling his father's attention to the account he must give at the last judgment.

All this "con- cern" is quite in keeping with the spiritual awakening of the time, found both among the Pietists and the Quakers, but there is not a word about his personal doctrinal attitude toward any specific sect in the first year in Germantown. It seems quite likely that matters of creed did not seriously disturb the little community of the German town during the first years of their communal life. The spirit of the little Quaker meeting at the house of Tiines Kunders doubtless pervaded the whole community.

The actual affiliation of Pastorius with the Quakers, appears clearly from the minutes of the Monthly and Quarterly Meet- ings of Philadelphia and Abington. The items in these minutes relating to Pastorius' connection with the Friends are here given in chronological order. Those referring to Pastorius' teaching in the Friends' School in Philadelphia have been given already, and need not be repeated here : The Records of the Abington Monthly Meeting of the Friends contain the following entries.

Jno Saml Pastorious Born ye 30th of ye i mo Henery Pastorious Born ye ist of ye 2 mo Of course Schiller himself had been a professor extrordinarius in Jena since , and his lectures on world history had been filled with enthusiastic hearers, but he was unable to sustain these numbers, and his health forced him to abandon lecturing altogether. He also challenged what he saw as the reactionary spirit of the student corporations: they promptly smashed his windows.

Very few may have understood his new philosophical terminology: Friedrich Schlegel and Novalis were enthusiastic Fichteans, while August Wilhelm never was, and their relationship was never close; in that he would be seconded by Schiller. This review periodical was part of the realm of the Weimar entrepreneur Friedrich Justin Bertuch and helped to put Jena on the map. In , she was to be the partner of his second, ill-starred marriage. Goethe knew, as August Wilhelm was to find out in , that university matters required tact and diplomacy.

Goethe had general oversight, but four Thuringian dukes, all members of the Ernestine branch of the Saxon house, also had their say in university appointments. Not all of these names were of course actually to feature in the pages of Die Horen Fichte was a prominent absentee. Schlegel could be relied upon right through from the earliest issues in , until the enterprise began to falter, then to collapse in He dressed up in more accessible form some notes made originally for his brother Friedrich in order to help him formulate ideas on two of his preoccupations: the origin of language and the development of rhythm and metre.

It was part of the programmatic Romantic Movement in making. His Dante and Shakespeare projects followed similar patterns. There was no need for Schlegel to tell Schiller directly that he was using Die Horen in order to provide publicity for the Shakespeare translation that started coming out in Title page of vol. Image in the public domain. There was talk of a cultural, intellectual and aesthetic consensus, but only on its own strict terms. Although Cotta originally wanted a journal of general European interest, 39 Schiller insisted on excluding any kind of political debate—and got his way.

In publishing terms, Die Horen was a total failure. All these points the later Athenaeum would develop more confidently, so that despite enormous personal and ideological differences, it is legitimate to link these two periodicals. Soon, Schiller and Schlegel were exchanging notes similar to those that passed between Schiller and Goethe. But Schiller had other correspondents, and to them he wrote of different things. Wilhelm von Humboldt was told on 23 July, that one could have a good conversation with Caroline, but she could also be sharp and prickly.

Clever, witty and articulate women, it seemed, represented a kind of threat to male-dominated Jena. Schiller meanwhile was prepared to tolerate Caroline so long as her husband gave sustenance to the already ailing Horen. His incidental music to Shakespeare and his settings of Goethe were significant musically and culturally.

As Kapellmeister in Berlin, he had introduced the young Ludwig Tieck into soirees and circles otherwise closed to him he even became his brother-in-law. But he had also spoken unwisely of the French Revolution—at a time of political reaction in Berlin—and had lost his post. Now he was settled romantically at Giebichenstein, near Halle, on a promontory above the river Saale. Giebichenstein became a synonym for sociability, conviviality, meetings of minds: Friedrich Schlegel, drawn to agreeable company, found his way there.

Perhaps injudiciously, he engaged the Schlegel brothers: Friedrich wrote an essay on republicanism, August Wilhelm produced an extract from his translation of Romeo and Juliet , so short as hardly to be noticed. Then Reichardt published his own review of Die Horen. As yet, however, August Wilhelm was all deference.

The minister of state, the courtier, the representative in one person of an aristocracy of the mind and of station, the director of the court theatre—there seemed no end to his attainments—could afford to be all things to all men and women. The intensity of his correspondence with Schiller, the almost daily notes that crossed between Jena and Weimar, could give the impression of an exclusivity, of a preoccupation with the aesthetic and the intellectual.

And he was welcoming to the Schlegel brothers. Goethe was however no longer the lithe young man of his early Weimar years and with the gravitas of office he had put on weight. In the winter of , August Wilhelm and Caroline were in Weimar. They visited Herder, whom they knew to be touchy and querulous, but found him charming and his Baltic accent delightful. Wieland, visiting Weimar from his self-imposed exile in nearby Ossmannstedt, was in a witty frame of mind. Not all of this was innocent. But for Schlegel, he was a useful link with Weimar, especially with Herder and Wieland, who saw themselves overshadowed by Goethe and Schiller and generally unappreciated.

Excellence was not being given its due; German literary discourse was dominated by the ill-disposed, by mediocrities, by superannuated talents, by mere specialists. Schiller named them: Nicolai, Manso, Eschenburg, Ramdohr and tutti quanti. Philosophy was wreathed in Fichtean obnubilations. Goethe, in his short polemic Literarischer Sansculottismus 58 threw down the gauntlet to the detractors of Die Horen , the snipers, the deniers; those who would not allow that Germany might some day, like France and England, be secure in a culture supported by a mature society.

None of this was new. For the time being, both brothers and Caroline nevertheless enjoyed good personal relations with Schiller, observing the proprieties of polite sociability. Now, Friedrich, taking over from where Reichardt had left off, began to review the issues of Die Horen in the much-disliked Deutschland. There were two-edged comments on the Xenien and their effect on the more sensitive reader, for privately Friedrich was up in arms at their treatment of Reichardt.

Not being able to harm Friedrich, who was excluded from Die Horen , he hurled his bolts at August Wilhelm instead. On 31 May, , August Wilhelm received this astringent message:. It was my pleasure to afford you a chance to make an income, not given to many, in my Horen, by publishing your translations of Dante and Shakespeare, but now that I hear that Herr Friedrich Schlegel, even as I am rendering you this favour, is abusing them publicly and finds too many translations in the Horen, you must accept my excuses for the future.

And to release you once and for all from a relationship that must inhibit the frank and sensitive exchange of thought and opinion, permit me to break off an arrangement that under such circumstances is no longer natural and which already has too often compromised my trust. Shaken, he wrote straight away to Schiller, protesting his innocence, claiming not to have seen the review, disavowing any personal influence over his brother:.

If ever you have felt any bond of friendship for me, then please do not refuse my request to speak to you as soon as possible and plead my innocence in this most unfortunate mishap [ In the circle of my close acquaintances I must have implicit and absolute trust, and after what has happened, that cannot be the case between you and me.

There was fault on both sides. Despite the apparent finality of this exchange of letters, Schiller in fact did not bar Schlegel from further collaboration on Die Horen , or on his Musenalmanach, both of which were at any rate moribund and about to expire. But the damage was done: the relationship never recovered. Schlegel did not take kindly to criticism. It brought out a less attractive side: he marshalled all of his formidable philological knowledge all of his pedantry , knowing that Schiller was at a disadvantage in these matters.

He was to be represented almost always to his disfavour or he was written out of the account altogether: the Athenaeum , which wreathed Goethe in clouds of incense, was to mention Schiller but once, and then only incidentally. There was, of course, some self-projection involved in this, the intellectual with universal sweep, radical, progressive. It did not mean that either Schlegel brother was about to abandon the security of his own studies and engage in active politics Friedrich much later saw fit to suppress his Forster review. It could be observed in the most primitive of peoples Amalie would have read Georg Forster.

It followed that rhythmic utterance, and eventually metre, were not later refinements, but belonged to the basic needs of human articulation. Thus all poetry, in terms of these origins, was essentially lyrical, with dance and song as the expressive form of what later became dignified with the name of myth.

It is as if Friedrich, exuberantly postulating a history of Greek poetry, had need of some elementary instruction in metrical matters. These his brother duly supplied. Addressing Friedrich in these private Considerations , he needed to become more technical. It is however interesting to note that none of these theories on synaesthesia and language colouration went into writings published in his own lifetime or into his lectures on prosody. The length of the review may surprise, but Homer had now come into his own; he was everywhere, an almost measureless subject.

What is more: Voss was one of the few contemporary poets not to be treated with disfavour in the Xenien , indeed his epic poem Luise , that Homerized domestic life, had found high praise there. It was a review of which he was inordinately proud. It had also been generally well received. He had not always done Voss justice and—a valid point— he had in done little translating himself, at least of this kind. It confirmed him as a great Romantic- hater. Schlegel, in his turn, never mentioned in print a factor of which he was subsequently aware and which could have mitigated some of his strictures: Voss in had been ill and the review had served to compound his physical and mental discomfort.

This for the moment set him apart from his brother Friedrich, yet it could be said that both brothers as reviewers complemented each other, the one in the universality of his claims, the other in the precision of his arguments. Schlegel in effect never returned to Homer criticism. A pattern was establishing itself already in the s: the overlapping of projects, brief spasms of attention, then abrupt abandonments.

The Dante project is one of these, competing with Homer, then pushed aside as the next idea caught his imagination. It did not mean that he was a fragmentist by nature, like his brother Friedrich: it was not the way August Wilhelm worked. He simply took on too many commitments: a too crowded writing and reviewing programme saw flagging interests, as personal crises also supervened.

A history of Italian poetry, with Dante at its centre, and a translation of Shakespeare, simply could not coexist. Furthermore, both Dante and Shakespeare involved verse translations, requiring concentration and attention to the minutest detail; they could not be hurried. In Germany, people had been writing about Shakespeare for most of the eighteenth century and there had been two major attempts at translation Wieland and Eschenburg. Dante, by contrast, was hardly known.

True, there had been prose versions in the s—by Johann Nicolaus Meinhard and Leberecht Bachenschwanz 95 —but Schlegel was the first actually to put Dante into German verse. This deserves to be given its due, in the face of assertions that his translation is archaizing, uniformly elevated and stiff, where in fact it actually reads quite well.

He could show his contemporaries, Goethe among them, that this technically demanding verse was possible in German and worthy of creative imitation. Its very publication seemed haphazard. With that, the Dante project was forced out by his fellow-genius Shakespeare. We know that Caroline, the co-translator of Shakespeare, also helped to keep the guttering flame of Dante alight before its final extinction. Dante provided too good an opportunity for excursions. Thus readers of Die Horen could learn that Inferno was different from Paradise Lost or Der Messias , its characters human, its world restricted to Earth in the centre of which was Hell , not domiciled in some extraterrestrial sphere.

As yet, he did not postulate a Catholic alternative, but that would come soon enough in the pages of the Athenaeum. Dante had also inspired Michelangelo: Schlegel mentions a terracotta basrelief of Ugolino and his sons by the Renaissance master.

The Life of August Wilhelm Schlegel

Schiller, more robust, wanted to see Macbeth and Othello performed on the Weimar stage, but Schlegel could not or would not supply them. Horror and cruelty did not feature in his later lectures on Classical and Romantic literature, either; already his account of Dante in the Athenaeum in was much blander, smoother, Hemsterhuisian, while his discomfort with the aesthetically compromising in Shakespeare was still evident in his Vienna Lectures in The selections from Purgatorio and Paradiso meanwhile brought Schlegel on to more familiar and acceptable ground: the Platonism employed by his mentor Hemsterhuis to demonstrate the existence of God in us.

A generation of translators, like Wieland or Eschenburg, would need to arise, or dramatists like Lessing, Goethe and Schiller, before blank verse could become established in German letters, and then often more Augustan than Shakespearean. In all this Schlegel acknowledged Schiller as a model or mentor, if only grudgingly, especially after their estrangement. The Shakespeare project brought out most but not all sides of Schlegel: the translator, of course, the critic, the analyst, the historian rather less.

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In the writings devoted exclusively to Shakespeare, we have none of the historical background that informs his Dante, such as the circumstantial recounting of the true story of Ugolino; there is, for instance, only the briefest of information about the sources of Romeo and Juliet , and then not the crucial point that it is an early play. Schlegel was not a Shakespearean scholar of the stamp of Eschenburg or—even allowing for his sometimes freakish attributions—Ludwig Tieck. Unlike Tieck, who at the age of 20 owned the Fourth Folio, he had no significant collection Eschenburg was a prodigious collector.

There were, of course, personal reasons for their omission. Looking at the nine volumes of the Schlegel translation and assessing their significance, we may easily overlook the actual circumstances and the element of the haphazard and the adventitious that accompanied them and their occasionally cooperative origins. As we have seen, being a professional writer meant grasping every opportunity. He followed this in with his fine critical essay on Romeo and Juliet.

Pushing Eschenburg aside was one thing, and here Schiller was only too willing to abet Schlegel by publishing his extracts in Die Horen. It was to know no mercy; only the creative forces of the century were to have recognition. The Schlegel brothers, the one exalting Lessing and Kant, the other extolling Shakespeare, both elevating Goethe, gladly joined in this chorus until they found a voice of their own.

At no stage, however, did they admit how useful they had found the corpus of knowledge patiently collated by painstaking scholars like Eschenburg, whom Goethe and Schiller were in the process of excoriating. Herder was to write ruefully and resignedly to Eschenburg in that they both now belonged to a past era in literature and taste, and for the moment, that was true. The manuscripts of the twelve plays that have survived, tell their own tale.

The creative process can be seen in the successive drafts. Attached to the manuscript of The Tempest is the version of printed in Die Horen. In King John , there are new sections pasted over. In fact he left out some intractable punnings and some ruderies. Caroline made a clean copy for the printer.

In Berlin from July until September , he was sent the manuscript packages and passed them on to Unger. He seems even to have done the proof-reading. August Wilhelm, as well, had been assiduous in self-promotion. He wished to set out his translation principles, not in any systematic way, but in the free flow of critical writing. If the Voss review had been closely argued, rigorous, stiff pedantic, too , he would treat Shakespeare in more associative and accessible fashion.

What better way to cause pleasure in both Jena and Weimar than by invoking Goethe himself? What it best does is to seize and give meaning to the real sense that creative genius places in its works and which is there as they take body in their essential shape, in complete, untainted form, in sharp profile, and thus to raise beholders who are less acute, but are receptive, to a higher state of perception.

But only rarely has it achieved this. And why? The printed text was final, if the result of those compromises and accommodations, compensations and approximations. Only in critical reviews was Schlegel willing to pass on insights into the actual translation process. He knew this from translating Hamlet but did not say so. Schlegel had already translated this line as. Im Herzensgrund, ja in des Herzens Herzen But let Shakespeare scholars concern themselves with these nuances.

The translation can still stand up to any kind of analysis, the most favourable and even the most stringent or unfriendly. Caroline had copied it out for the printer; it opened the first volume of the Shakespeare translation in August Wilhelm, temporarily in Dresden, asked his brother Friedrich to present Schiller with a copy. Schiller did not react, and his correspondence with Goethe did not mention it; it was also not one of the Shakespeare plays with which he felt a close bond.

Goethe, who had known it from his formative years, noted it for a possible stage adaptation in , but the death of the designated actress caused him to defer the idea, eventually until True, the tragic outcome was inevitable, but so was the resolution and reconciliation of the action beyond the grave. August Wilhelm was, however, concerned to resolve them. One way was to place the lovers in some kind of capsule, emotionally, spiritually, linguistically set apart from the world and its conventions, even from the machinations of fate.

The fascination with Romeo and Juliet did not end with Die Horen. Perhaps it is wrong in the first place to apply Wordsworthian or Goethean criteria to it. It was not just a question of the formal devices that he used: when Goethe used regular metrical verse like the classical elegy—a favoured form in the s—he never abandoned the personal note, while Schlegel, in this and other metres, was correct, learned—and soulless. The correspondence with Schiller over the poem Prometheus —in the terza rima so recently displayed in the Dante translation—is not agreeable reading and shows Schlegel trying to worst Schiller with pedantry and pedagoguery.

Schlegel the poet did not shine with general subjects, those so current in aesthetic and poetological debate, like the role of the artist as creator and shaper of higher truth. Occasional poems, those dedicated to a person or object, did however bring out the best of his poetic powers, as indeed translation also did.

Zueignung des Trauerspiels Romeo und Julia. Und ach! Sich innig fest an den Geliebten schmiegen, Sonst kennt sie keine Zuflucht in der Noth. Was auch die ferne Zukunft mag verschleiern, Wir werden stets der Liebe Jugend feiern. Receive this poem, woven of love and travail, And press it gently to your tender breast. What moves your soul is feeling that we share, What you withhold, I know it all the same.

Unhappy pair! They feel their way, even in their boldest strivings, In darkness, and themselves they hardly know. Love can alone give wing to earthly dust, And she alone unseal the door to heaven. Alas, for her, the monarch of the souls, How often is she prone to envious fate! To part and to torment so many pairs Hate and pride conspire time and again. Danger, though, the weak will overcomes, While love is bold and full, when dangers press. They, as by magic caught in soft embrace, By fortune, peace and time are drawn apart, And, slipping free when others bear them down, Love drowns in bliss inside its very chalice.

But greater joys, when what one treasures most The heart tears with it to the realm of shades, And like a sacrifice to all-releasing death, The cup of joy, scarce touched, is poured away. They die, but in their very dying breath Love takes them up into the higher spheres. All this may help you to assuage your sorrow, The poem brings us back into ourselves. Orphisch [Deep Orphic Words]? If so, it shows both poets operating within similar conventions, while at the same time transcending them.

Schlegel was in reality dedicating this poem to Caroline: the final stanza told of their love, their union, their mystery, their youthful passion that would never die. Professor Schlegel in love? It seems so. But Caroline? Of that we can be less certain. A joint bond of sympathy and purpose unites them, but strong personalities can unfold and dominate the common endeavour. Does this describe the association in Jena from to ?

It is not even possible to bring all these characters together in one place unless we use the convenient—if endearing—chronological liberties and rearrangements that Penelope Fitzgerald employs for Novalis in her novel The Blue Flower. Novalis was based at the mining academy in Freiberg in Saxony, then the salt inspectorate in Weissenfels, and was only an occasional visitor in Jena. Only August Wilhelm and Caroline Schlegel and Schelling were actually domiciled in Jena for the whole period of to Fichte, Tieck and Schelling actually wrote nothing for it, Schleiermacher and Dorothea Veit relatively little, Caroline contributed only anonymously, leaving Novalis and above all the brothers Schlegel as authors, with a few associated friends joining in towards the end.

The original contexts and contiguities were soon lost sight of. In the course of publication history the three original octavo volumes of the Athenaeum were recontextualised and their contents scattered. Enshrined in editions of Novalis, Friedrich and August Wilhelm Schlegel, as we have them now, it is often hard to envisage the mixture of plan and improvisation that is the essence of a literary periodical. It was in Berlin that he had the oversight of the Shakespeare translation and where he negotiated with Unger, its publisher.

Reichardt himself was persona non grata in Berlin, but his house at Giebichenstein near Halle, romantically overlooking the river Saale, was, as already mentioned, a meeting-place at various times for most of the Romantics. He doubtless gave Schlegel recommendations to various societies in Berlin, and Schlegel, gregarious and sociable by nature, would have taken them up.

These contacts in themselves showed that Berlin was quite a different place from Jena or even Weimar: with its , inhabitants it was a royal capital, an administrative and cultural centre, and as such it put provincial Thuringian ducal residences in the shade. Some, like those restricted to the aristocracy, admitted only their own kind. It was no doubt there that he met the redoubtable and influential Friedrich Nicolai, publisher and sturdy defender of the Enlightenment, ever on the lookout for young talent.

It was here that Friedrich Schlegel first met the three Tiecks, Ludwig, Sophie and Friedrich, who were to play a prominent part in the affairs of the extended Schlegel family. Ludwig, who was to survive them all, was also the closest associate of both Schlegel brothers, but Sophie the writer and Friedrich the sculptor would intervene disproportionately in the artistic and emotional life of August Wilhelm.

For all of these works appeared anonymously. It may be that Friedrich was too preoccupied with his intellectual exchange with Schleiermacher, or Tieck with his close friend and co-writer of those outpourings, Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder, soon to die tragically young and to be the first in that Romantic necrology. Writing in , Schlegel would claim that he was the first to draw attention to Tieck and give him his due, and this was largely true.

He had met her in the summer of in the salon of Henriette Herz. Chafing under a loveless marriage—she had been married off to the banker Simon Veit and had two sons both in their turn to become leading Romantic painters —she had been attracted to this witty and brilliant younger man, while he, crushed since his teens under the weight of books, suddenly felt the forces of a belated youth bursting forth. While nobody would call Dorothea a beauty, her bright dark eyes compensated for conventional good looks, and her conversation and letters betrayed a sharp mind, and a skill with words.

As yet there was no question of separation or even divorce. If there were not enough scandal adhering to a relationship with a married woman seven years older than himself, her being Jewish added an extra element of piquancy. He needed an outlet for his own writings, now that Die Horen —to which he had no access as it was—had finally collapsed.

In a long letter of 31 October, to August Wilhelm, he set out his views on a remedy to the situation. He had a publisher in mind, Friedrich Vieweg in Berlin. That was the practical part. Who were to be the contributors? Themselves of course, perhaps Fichte or Novalis or Schleiermacher; they were to ask Tieck and hoped for Goethe. It was to represent the closest association, the union of two minds. There was to be an absolute consensus between them on matters of content perhaps with Caroline mediating in cases of disagreement. That would explain why even the groups of fragments that are a distinguishing feature of the Athenaeum , form entities in themselves, in the same way that the disparate items of criticism are marshalled into a coherent corpus.

It did not mean that the brothers put their all into this enterprise. There was clearly enough copy available for the number without the need for them to extend themselves. This might suggest a publication that took notice only of its own kind. It did not share his stated aim of breaking down the barriers between learned and literary discourse. The focus was to be on art and philosophy, not, by implication, on political affairs, history, or religion, although these might feature under different guises.

There was no interdict on contemporary events such as Schiller had imposed, although the journal was in no direct sense political, either. There is much in the Athenaeum that is impudent, much that contemporaries did not like and said so, but nothing that is directly seditious. The whole Jena establishment, Schiller even, received theirs. This is the great triad of modern poetry, the inmost and most sacred circle of the classics of modern poesy. He was not entirely averse to this odorous incense offering, displeased as he was at the otherwise unenthusiastic reception of Wilhelm Meister which the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung had taken no notice of.

For Friedrich was fast learning that running an avant- garde periodical involved not only the high ground of an elite and its intellectual risk-taking. One had to contend with more mundane matters, the tergiversations of a publisher, a diminishing stock of copy, and the hostility of the general public. Volume Two, once the practical matters were sorted out, was to be more varied, with more poetry and a large section of art criticism.

Its message, set out stringently in the introduction and in larger print, for emphasis was mastery of the aesthetic and artistic basics, entering the temple forecourt propylea , before proceeding to the inner sanctum of art, which could only be achieved by a proper study of ancients and moderns alike. This would, as said, not become evident until late in Moving as they did between the main residence in Dresden and the summer palace at Pillnitz, a few miles upstream, the Ernsts somehow provided a base for their extended family.

They knew the same aristocratic circle of friends that Novalis frequented. Passing through Leipzig, he met the young Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling who was successfully negotiating for a post as professor extrordinarius of philosophy at Jena. As an experienced critic, he encouraged him to send a copy of the novel to Goethe. His main business in Berlin was, however, to negotiate with his fellow-Hanoverian and now famous actor-producer August Wilhelm Iffland.

He had renewed his acquaintance with Iffland at a guest performance earlier that year in Weimar. On 25 and 26 August, for just two days, the circle was united in Dresden. There, as in so many reactions to the Dresden collections, the beholders saw only what seemed essential, what struck the senses, what seized and overpowered the beholder with awe and reverence and the frisson of religious devotion. Again Goethe in made a long list of the Dresden paintings and included almost none that the Schlegel group was impressed by.

The lighting could contribute. Inspecting the statuary by torchlight, as the Romantics and also Schiller did, softenedcontours and accentuated forms. The collection assembled by the Electors of Saxony, mainly up to , was an eighteenth-century creation and as such suitably eclectic. The other convert from the Schlegel family was to be the daughter of the staunchly Protestant Ernsts in Dresden, Auguste von Buttlar. It was in Dresden that Friedrich died in , in the arms of his niece, and it is here that he is buried. In a letter to Novalis, of some considerable frankness, Caroline dropped her guard and took stock of the situation.

The Athenaeum had in her view come to a standstill. It had in any case been a mistake for the brothers to have got involved with a journal, and August Wilhelm should not have become a professor. Ultimately, all this was to cost August Wilhelm his health and his marriage. For all that, university lecturing was not merely a matter of holding forth. When lecturing on aesthetics, he appeared on the lecture lists under philosophy with Fichte and Schelling. Ast handed his notes over to Karl Christian Friedrich Krause, later a philosopher influential in the Hispanic world, and these are the only full transcripts to survive.

The other lectures we must assume to be lost. It is even fair to say that these two pieces of art criticism are what put his personal stamp on the periodical. Whereas academic freedom was something that the nineteenth-century universities had to fight hard to achieve, Fichte in the eighteenth believed it was already his by right.

None of these was an issue to which the Schlegel brothers, one already a professor and the other aspiring to be one, could be indifferent. This was only the beginning. Fichte had seized the opportunity of becoming co-editor of the Philosophisches Journal in In his former colleague Friedrich Karl Forberg sent him a contribution that seemed to postulate a moral and religious existence without the necessity of a belief in God.

Alarmed at what seemed to be the reduction of faith to a mere incidental, but reluctant to stifle philosophical debate, Fichte decided to append an essay of his own, setting out the notion of a world order dependent on the idea of God. Otherwise, Saxon students would be forbidden attendance at Jena. This was the main Saxon ducal house dictating to its Ernestine laterals in Thuringia. In considerable haste, he penned a brochure, extending to pages of print, his Appellation an das Publikum that came out in January , in 2, copies and with a double impress, Jena and Leipzig.

As it was, only Hanover followed the example of the Saxon and Thuringian courts. The ban on Hanoverian students studying in Jena, and the possible silencing of its star professor, would still have serious consequences for the university, the town, and the state at large. In , with his famous Speeches to the German Nation , events would be on his side, but not now.

Crossover Literature and Age in Crisis at the Turn of the 21st Century

He wrote to the minister Voigt stating that he would rather seek dismissal than accept censure. Carl August, a dislike of intellectual demagoguery deep in his heart, found this a convenient means of being rid of a turbulent professor. And so, on 1 April , having had students in the previous semester, Fichte found himself dismissed, shunned and humiliated.

For a while, until he found suitable quarters for his family, Fichte actually shared lodgings with Dorothea in the Ziegelstrasse, an act of kindness but also of some forbearance, for Fichte held strongly anti-Semitic opinions. Life returned to normal in Jena and Weimar. Other pressing plans, of which part two of the Athenaeum was but one, crowded in. Schlegel took note of one thing.

Under different circumstances, this had also been the pattern of Die Horen. Ein Roman von Friedrich Schlegel. Intellectually, philosophically, the novel belongs in the world that Schleiermacher, Novalis and Friedrich Schlegel himself inhabited, where history, science and nature Novalis , religion and morals Schleiermacher and love Schlegel were elevated to universals and absolutes. These novels had plots of a sort , whereas Lucinde was episodic and unsequent. The reader might be drawn inexorably to scenes where the newly emancipated flesh and sportive sexual encounters caught the attention, not the philosophical and Intellectual arguments.

Dorothea had given up everything for the man whom she adored and worshipped, her civil status, her reputation and her material security. Caught between her religion and his, she did not wish to affront further her family by baptism, the necessary step to marriage. Moreover her estranged husband demanded custody of both of their sons should she take this step. Both Caroline and Dorothea wished that the novel had never been published, setting out as it did what was intimate and private and beyond articulation. This was the germ of the Jena circle. It was the Berlin fraction that was initially so much in favour of this togetherness, for they were already accepted in the circles that mattered to them and—not insignificantly—they were dealing with publishers there.

Caroline, no doubt speaking for all in Jena, had no intention of removing to a city that she did not know, with her husband a professor in Jena, as was Schelling. They had their own circle of friends and acquaintances, the publisher Frommann and his open hospitality, or the Paulus family. In Jena, one could meet Goethe, usually over from Weimar on visits of two weeks at a time. Friedrich entrusted the Athenaeum to Schleiermacher, and it is in letters to him that we learn the most of events in Jena.

Nearly all of the number was ready by July of that year, and the rest, for the remainder of its short existence, was effectively edited from a distance. Religion was to be the keynote of Jena. Already in May of that year Friedrich had told his brother August Wilhelm that the time had come to found a new religion. Schiller they did not visit, and they affected indifference to the first performance of his Wallenstein in Weimar, while the whole group fell out of their chairs with laughter at his Lied von der Glocke [Song of the Bell].

Everyone seems to have known except August Wilhelm himself. He maintained excellent outward relations with Schelling, the man who was in reality cuckolding him. What was one to expect when Friedrich Schlegel in a fragment declared nearly all marriages to be but concubinage? We need however to see all this in perspective.

The literary feuds of the years to about —and we are not concerned here with rehearsing all of their tiresome and repetitive details—were just that: literary. They were a Battle of the Books brought up to date. They bore only the most tenuous of links with those seditious political libelles that both scandalized and delighted pre-Revolutionary France or with the hurly-burly of Grub Street in London.

Goethe and Schiller in their Horen had wanted to be above the political fray. The Xenien waged war inside the Republic of Letters, while the Athenaeum steered clear of politics altogether, at most wrapping its historical and social discourse in poetry and myth. This was all to change once the Romantics had dispersed, the Schlegel brothers to France, and especially after , when poetry and art would be invoked to counter the humiliations visited by Napoleon on the German nation. The hack-writer Garlieb Merkel had spread a rumour that Duke Carl August had reprimanded the editors of the Athenaeum.

Already in the Romantics in Jena and Berlin had a foretaste of more scurrilous lampoons when Daniel Jenisch in his Diogenes Laterne , with singular nastiness, caricatured Friedrich and Schleiermacher for their association with Jewish women Dorothea and Henriette Herz, respectively. Kotzebue had a history of calumniations, and to these he now added Friedrich Schlegel. Friedrich Schlegel should of course never be quoted out of context, and this Kotzebue knew. At its best, it had a wide distribution 2, subscribers and had maintained high standards of writing, as opposed to specialised scholarly discourse; and it had been a major force in the dissemination of Kant.

Both he and Fichte came up with ideas, with slightly different emphases, for a so-called Kritisches Institut , a review journal that would reflect a more systematic ordering of knowledge and would accommodate the various encyclopaedic ambitions that the Jena circle entertained. Its editorial board was to consist of both Schlegel brothers, Schleiermacher, Schelling, Tieck, and August Ferdinand Bernhardi, the Berlin schoolman and husband of Sophie Tieck, who was proving himself useful as an editor and reviewer.

The break-up of the Jena circle put paid to the project. It would in any case have been difficult to tie some of its editorial board down, notably Tieck, who had promised contributions for the Athenaeum and had never delivered. Schlegel, for his part, was to find himself setting out the order and subdivisions of knowledge, not in a review journal, but in his lectures in Jena and Berlin. The last part of the Athenaeum appeared in March of Caroline then fell seriously ill.

Dorothea, a shrewd, although hardly objective observer of humanity and its frailties, tried to be even-handed towards her sister-in-law. Despite the differences in their personalities and backgrounds, Caroline had been the first to recognize Dorothea publicly and to ensure her acceptance in Jena circles. August Wilhelm, she continued, had not been an easy partner to live with, but he loved Caroline after his own fashion and in a way that she never did in return.

She had never been open about her relationship with Schelling, who had kept up a front of politeness to August Wilhelm while disliking him in private. Christoph Wilhelm Hufeland, the great Jena doctor and father of macrobiotics, treated her according to his tried and conventional methods, but Schelling, who in addition to the nature philosophy that he professed also had some knowledge of medicine, insisted that Hufeland try the fashionable therapeutics of the Brownian method. Brownism or Brunonism, named after the Scottish doctor John Brown, saw health as the median state of excitability, based on the fundamental doctrine of life as a state of excitation produced by external agents upon the body, and perceived disease as consisting in excess or deficiency of such stimulants.

Novalis was also a Brownian. An elaborate charade was set up, with Schelling leaving first for Saalfeld, a convenient half-way house. On May 5, Caroline and Auguste left, accompanied as far as Saalfeld by Schlegel, after which they were to proceed independently to Bamberg. Schlegel returned to Jena, taking a detour via Leipzig, while Schelling, of course, was waiting in Saalfeld and saw Caroline and Auguste to quarters in Bamberg.

Early in July, all three of them were in Bocklet, the Paulus family from Jena also. There was no secrecy, for on 6 July Schelling wrote to Schlegel that Auguste had taken ill. Schelling apparently used Brownian methods, including the standard stimulant of opium, to try to bring her back to health. It was to no avail. On 12 July, she died, aged She was buried in the churchyard at Bocklet. She returned to Bamberg with Schelling, Schlegel hurrying there as soon as he heard the news.

The accident of this Franconian journey, calamitous for all who took part in it, had brought him to the same South German cultural landscape that Wackenroder and Tieck had already experienced in , both of them Berlin Protestants brought face to face with the aesthetic splendours of the rite. Auguste he had loved as his own daughter and it was to him that the extended Jena circle expressed their condolences. Now was the time for his friends to recollect his genuine paternal affection, not to consider whether this had been on his side only.

Yet this stiff, formal, professorial man loved children and wished to have children of his own. Caroline and Schlegel travelled to Gotha, where her close friend Luise Gotter took her in. From now on they journeyed together, even slept under the same roof. Their letters remained friendly and tolerant, as they had been all along; but the marriage was over. The Jena circle was effectively at an end.

The Tiecks had left in June; Schelling continued as a professor, not in any close association with the Schlegel brothers, but not estranged from them either. But Jena, as a metonymic association of minds as they had known it, was over. Yet it was only as Schlegel shook off these idle polemics, the irksome attendants of the Jena association that he could turn, symbolically as well as in reality, to face the challenges of that new nineteenth century.

He announced, also in the same letter, the Ehrenpforte , of which he was to be so inordinately proud and which would go on to take pride of place in his Poetische Werke in In a sense that had its justification, for it showed what he could do, and all in a comic vein: sonnets, ballads, romances, epigrams, plus the parody of a sentimental comedy, and what not. One senses his urge to display versatility and if need be virtuosity. It was part of a self-image that his autobiographical sketch of around sought to perpetuate.

The Athenaeum , which, as we saw, was for August Wilhelm a joint enterprise and only one of several undertakings, contained some short and more ephemeral pieces of comment and criticism by him that had little sense outside of their original context, and these he never re-edited. The lectures that he gave in Jena seemed to have served if anything as drafts for later series in Berlin; but most of this material was never edited in his lifetime. The edition of his poems was, however, different, those Gedichte von August Wilhelm Schlegel , that came out in April of Although the Athenaeum did contain certain of his more important poems, there was evidence that he was also writing poetry for a different audience, one more generally receptive and perhaps less aesthetically discriminating than the readership of an avant-garde periodical.

It may be significant that when his Gedichte first appeared in , copies were immediately sent to Duke Carl August, Goethe, and Schiller. First things first. These poets, too, were the names that his Jena lectures were beginning to enshrine and that his Berlin lectures were to canonise. There was even a sonnet called Das Sonett that was both a poetic and also a prosodic demonstration of the Petrarchan form. The second of these poems they might know if they were also readers of the Athenaeum , but the other one was new.

Who was Neoptolemus? Carl addresses his surviving younger brother, classical-style, from the land of the dead. One may guess at its motivation: the desire to commemorate the brother whom he had last seen as a schoolboy of fifteen. Also perhaps the wish to show the world that the Schlegels were not all bookmen, but men of action as well. For the generally elegiac tone of the poem does not exclude a certain expansiveness of detail, the raising of the Hanoverian regiment, the touching farewell scene, with his only mention of both of his parents: Aber vor allem die Mutter, die liebende Mutter!

My good pious father gave me his heartfelt blessing, Sisters crowded around, brothers embracing me. But our so loving mother, I broke down in tears on her bosom, Only just tearing myself from her arms in confusion. How I reproached myself later, for a sixth sense foretold me Never again would I answer your dearest greetings. But our mother could not hold back the urge that possessed her Just to see her beloved son this once more. She made her way, her daughters came with her, Looked down on the square from the window, the ranks all assembled, I stood with my brothers in arms, and though I could see her, I never raised an eye, to preserve my composure.

I went through the lines and hurried them on, took orders, Passed them on, immersing myself in military business, Mounted my horse, taking the lead of the marching column, And only looked homeward when we were outside the gate. The fifes and drums drowned out any sad thoughts that I might have And the song of the men who were greeting the morning. All this in verses of elegiac couplets. It is a good poem, almost the only one by him that breathes genuine feeling. Above all it had combined the poetic with the real and autobiographical. Carl Schlegel had died in the symbolic year , and Neoptolemus in the elegy recalled how the political turmoil and chaos of the revolutionary years had brought ever more dead to join him in the realm of the shades.

This, at least, would be a sentiment that could appeal to the Goethe of Hermann und Dorothea. In , in its reissue in his re-named Poetische Werke. Schlegel of course would never have begun an elegy seemingly in mid-sentence, as Euphrosyne does. That was the privilege of genius. Following the Odyssey the Iliad rather less , it was also private and domestic, with characters who displayed a heart-warming sincerity and directness.

As a renewal of Homer, it had an unforced epic tone, and its rhythm was unconstrained by any too punctilious adaptation of the ancient hexameter. They did not however represent the sum of the elegiac tradition, and so Friedrich Schlegel reminded him of the thematic variety of the much less-known and imperfectly edited Greek elegy all in extracts translated by August Wilhelm.

These poems were learned and replete with allusions: both Schlegels were very much at home in this world, classical philologists in effect, ever so slightly parading their knowledge. It was that philological, learned side of the Schlegel brothers that has travelled rather less well. Nevertheless it formed part of their sense of poetic continuities, their ultimately Herderian awareness of the historical rhythms and patterns of rise and fall, efflorescence and decay, that record the Alexandrian desiccations as here as well as the new risings of sap. Goethe had an explanation.

Reflecting over twenty years later, in Campagne in Frankreich , he recalled the general laxity in the writing of hexameters when, as a distraction from the Revolutionary Wars of , he first sat down to retell the story of Reynard the Fox in classical verse, as Reineke Fuchs. It is also certain that they disagreed on the extent to which metre may have priority over sense.

Goethe where possible allowed himself to be guided by the natural rhythm of the language rather than its purely metrical patterns. He himself saw none of these activities in isolation. He never put himself into compartments. All areas of endeavour had their place but were also interdependent: philology and antiquarian scholarship, the creative use of language in translation, art appreciation, the writing of poetry yes, even this.

They could be expressed as a philosophical principle, referring all art forms to an original ideal or model, from which all else emanated, a neo-platonic or Hemsterhuisian notion of beauty, the outward manifestation seen as but a mirror image of the inner. These notions informed the staid verses of those didactic or poetological poems, Prometheus or Pygmalion , of which Schlegel was so proud.

This, too, would guarantee its autonomy and also the validity and truthfulness of human feelings. Schlegel had formulated these ideas in the lectures that he gave at Jena. His hearers may in any case not have been aware of the extent of his borrowings from existing material. An example was his use of his Horen essay as the source for his notions on language, not substantially altered. His ideas on euphony and musicality in language drew on his opening contribution to the Athenaeum , Die Sprachen [The Languages]. Sections on Greek poetry had been copied straight from his brother Friedrich.

The passage on Shakespeare was little advance on Eschenburg. All contain elements of the others. Take poetry. A didactic poem like Die Kunst der Griechen [The Art of the Greeks] was both a threnody for a lost past and also a statement positing the centrality of Greek culture for a post-classical age. Or criticism. Friedrich Schlegel, too, while editing the and numbers of the Athenaeum , had privately been catching up on his reading of the sixteenth and seventeenth-century Italian and Spanish classics. For August Wilhelm, Dante had seemed preferable, despite his eccentric theology.

At least the characters in the Inferno had flesh and blood. True, much offended the sensitivities Ugolino, for instance , but it was preferable to the exsangious creations of Der Messias and by extension, his model, Milton. Its two major reviewers were, not surprisingly, Schlegel and Voss. For there were absurdities in Klopstock, not least his imagined link between Greek and German fanciful ideas involving the Thracian Getae. This Schlegel could easily rectify. If one wanted brevity, better examples could be found in Aeschylus rather than in Homer, on whom Klopstock seemed to be fixated.

True, English and French had their limits as poetic languages, but Italian certainly did not. Klopstock had also lived in an age unfazed by manifest improbabilities, happily linking druids and bards, German and Celt, Greek and Goth as one linguistic community. This in its turn was an olive branch to the same Grimm whom Schlegel had exquisitely torn to pieces in his massive review of He would now learn that the great mother language, Sanskrit, followed Greek, Gothic perhaps as well had its poetry survived.

In , but addressing the specialist audience of his fellow-Sanskritists and linguisticians in his Indische Bibliothek , Schlegel had been yet more even-handed towards Klopstock, to Goethe and Schiller also, knowing that neither Klopstock nor Schiller were alive to appreciate this irenic gesture. It still had its gaze firmly fixed on the works of art themselves and the things to be observed as one stood in front of them.

Only after this necessary analysis did the discourse merge into poetic utterance.

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But there were also immediate differences between the Romantics and Goethe. Their remarks reflected existing hierarchies within art discourse or engaged with these. Historical painting ranked as superior to landscape or seascape, genre or still life. Venetian, Bolognese, and French schools stood in that order of esteem. Generally these connoisseurs followed their own dictates and looked or overlooked as they chose. If that meant more Venetians and almost no Dutch, well and good. The dialogue and the poems he had written, the descriptions of paintings were by the said lady.

One can draw inferences from the respective contributions of the three interlocutors in the conversation: Louise, generally accepted as being Caroline herself, Waller, who is August Wilhelm, and Reinhold, a kind of collective figure for the remaining friends. Waller summed up the general consensus—quoting Herder or Hemsterhuis in all but name—that statuary was not a mere question of shape or contour or mass or repose. The whole conversation was, however, called The Paintings , and so the visitors walked on towards the painting galleries, their real goal.

These were in reality scattered, but the essay conveniently assembled them, one Italian Salvator Rosa , one French Claude , one Dutch Ruysdael. Total coverage was not their aim. They were content to dispraise a Claudesque painting by Hackert as being essentially lifeless if it suited them. Instead they attempted a close, sometimes quite technical, analysis of the three paintings.

This could be seen increasingly in the accounts of Correggio, who was beginning here his advance in Romantic esteem to become the equal of Raphael. There were outright condemnations, too, that amounted to blanket rejections of schools or centuries: the Flemish Rubens , French neo-classicism Poussin , the eighteenth century in general Batoni, Mengs. Waller listed them: technically, the right balance of facial details formed a harmonious whole he never mentions the crown of thorns ; aesthetically, it produced repose, dignity, greatness, and serenity.

Louise confessed to tears. Was she in danger of becoming Catholic? But art never lost its autonomy. It was not so suffused with feeling as to become something vague and indefinable. It did not inhibit further analysis of the supporting figures , but it raised two important issues.

The first was the close relationship of the fine arts to poetry. August Wilhelm saw the matter less extravagantly. This was also the uncle of Auguste von Buttlar speaking, displeased at her embrace of Rome. There was his Flaxman essay as well. The engravings, first produced by Tommaso Piroli in Rome in , were expensive and copies were initially hard to come by.

Gone were the reservations that he had expressed but a few years ago. In those sections where Dante went beyond the powers of human expression, Flaxman used geometrical figures circle, triangle , themselves mystical symbols of the godhead, and passed beyond mere representation. In that sense, this Athenaeum essay was entering regions where Goethe already had reservations and later was to see merely superstition. Their effect was of necessity limited, for students did not flock to Schlegel as they did to Schelling and as they had done to Fichte, and it is only through the initiatives of two promising and intelligent young men, Ast and Savigny, that we have any record at all.

Even then they have only handed down to us those lectures now called Philosophische Kunstlehre [Philosophical Art Theory]. These contain sections dealing with German literature, but they are presumably different from the lectures on the history of German poetry now lost that he also announced. In keeping with other German universities, Jena had been offering lectures on aesthetics not necessarily under this exact title for decades.

Schlegel could therefore be seen as a versatile and reliable colleague in both classical and modern literatures and was also the man best suited to inject the central tenets of transcendental idealism into the academic teaching of aesthetics. Aesthetics, as the philosophical study of human awareness of art and beauty, dealt with such absolutes, themselves the absolute aims of humanity. As man becomes aware of his ultimate purpose, so he grows in his awareness of art and beauty. Art is by this definition no mere accessory, has no ancillary function, is no frill or furbelow.

These are ideas firmly rooted in Schiller or Fichte. On one level, this meant setting out the history of aesthetics from Plato and Aristotle to Baumgarten, Winckelmann and Kant. We study Homer, he said, because he was closest to this primeval poetry before it became the preserve of a chosen few and was changed into art. Although climate and physical or phonetic differences lead to disparity, all language is by nature rhythmical, musical or image-laden. Image is the essential of myth, and myth is the product of the powers of human expression. Here Schlegel first developed the basically anthropological ideas human figure, oracle, fate, belief in life after death, the golden age that were to form part of his Romantic mythology but also informed his later Bonn lectures on ancient history.

Again, there were many prefigurations here of his later Berlin and Vienna lectures. It was to be followed by another gap in the Romantic ranks when early in Novalis succumbed to the tuberculosis that had been undermining his frail constitution. Significantly, they did not include his radical Die Christenheit oder Europa [Christendom or Europe], a vision of history too controversial for readers in the new nineteenth century. Despite differences, personal between Caroline and Dorothea, ideological between Friedrich Schlegel and Schelling, the former Romantic circle was nevertheless able to show a united front when it suited, as in the two volumes called Charakteristiken und Kritiken in During the Athenaeum years one would hardly have known that the map of Europe was being redrawn or that tumultuous events were happening, in the far-off Mediterranean or Egypt, so absorbed had these men and women of letters been with matters of the mind or wars with literary rivals.

We hear much more now of the threats, real or imagined, of armies on the move, of real captures and quarterings imposed on the civil population.

  1. Dictionary Navigation.
  2. The paradox of sovereignty in modern German history plays?
  3. The Gen-Setters.
  4. In , Caroline experienced the political repercussions of the times at first hand in Harburg, with the cession of the Hanoverian lands to Prussia.

    Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition) Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition)
    Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition) Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition)
    Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition) Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition)
    Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition) Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition)
    Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition) Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition)
    Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition) Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition)
    Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition) Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition)
    Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition) Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition)
    Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition) Dein erster und letzter Biss (Mystery 338) (German Edition)

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